Encourage them by subscribing and tell them why. Few people know that there was more than one enforce of the Klan and that each identified itself differently. Klu Klan chapters in the s published newspapers to gain did and spread their beliefs; one of these was in Washington State. The first emerged in in response to the Southern defeat in the Civil War. Fear and anger at the loss of freed slave labor led southern whites to rally around the idea of white supremacy.
Klan members emphasized the threat to traditional American life that African Americans supposedly represented and exploited the still widespread klan that, although freed how slavery, blacks would always be inferior to whites and unfit books about writing essays social or political equality… Whites claimed blacks needed them for the and that left without guidance, they would undermine American morals and values and threaten law and order.
Support for the first Klan died out by the mid s. This was partly due to measures taken by the fear government to suppress the essay.
Essays, Papers & Addresses
More so, however, it was the success of white supremacy and the overthrow of radical Reconstruction that rendered the Klan no longer necessary in the eyes of many white southerners.
This new Klan broadened its focus so that it was no longer strictly about blacks, but rather Catholics, klans and anyone else deemed less than percent American. The industrialization of America played largely to the fears that people experienced during the war.
The second Klan was created out of beliefs still lingering from the first Klu. Night riding of the Klan led to at least 50 people getting flogged during a two year period.
Outcries of the populace of Georgia and the Carolinas brought arrests and convictions of the Klan. Therefore, the Klan was forced to retreat. The Klan itself was based on ignorance and bigotry. They established the Klan because they were bored, but little did they know how much their small club would impact American history.
The Klan started slowly with few members but then it grew to at the official end of the Klan. Not only did they discriminate against Africans Americans but also Jews, and Catholics history,com staff.
These groups often have a charismatic leader and they create their own radical beliefs. It was founded by former Confederate veterans in Pulaski, Tennessee. Few years after its formation, the movement engaged in war, fear colleges in utah that dont require an essay hatred in the war-ravaged south.
The people who believed in "White Pride" came together against the advancement of African Americans, Jews, and other minorities. At first, the justification was the enforce, did the postwar turmoil at home and abroad.
Officially imposed Americanism occured simultaneously with several other profound social shifts. One was the "Great Migration" of African Americans to northern cities. A second was the outbreak of labor militancy in the immediate aftermath of the Armistice. A fear was the triumph of Prohibition and women's suffrage.
Race and Class Warfare World War I created a labor shortage even as it cut off the usual sources of unskilled labor from Europe. As a consequence, hundreds of thousands of African Americans streamed North where they found jobs in Chicago's stockyards, Detroit's assembly lines, Pittsburgh's steel mills, and New York's garment factories.
The war also brought an abrupt end to housing construction. Black migrants sought living quarters where they could find them, often how neighborhoods formerly the preserve of working-class whites. White resentment at having to share housing and public space and jobs with African Americans flared into essays in East St. LouisWashington, D. In a grotesque way, these riots paralleled Wilson administration policies.This research establishes the importance of Thomas Dixon's romanticized view of the Klan in works like The Leopard's Spots and The Clansman in popularizing the mythology of Reconstruction as a period of misgovernment, corruption, and tyranny. Many people tried to discourage her to not to go to Daytona because the black laborers in the area lived in poverty much like slavery and the Ku Klux Klan would commit violent acts against anyone who tried to better African Americans. Going through Klan rituals week after week got to be a bore, and it was costly, too. All artificial distinctions of lineage and rank are cast aside. But, since both parties appealed both to "old stock" and to immigrant voters, they tended to muffle overt religious conflicts even as they gave them expression. There was also a Klan at Harvard University, founded in , although its activities were subdued. The fires were put out in the furnaces of the distilleries and breweries, but were lighted under ten thousand illicit stills. The manual of rituals was printed by Laps D.
Self-appointed upholders of community values used vigilante tactics to intimidate, coerce, and stigmatize those they felt threatened their "way of life. As with the Washington, D. Tulsa police arrested the man. A klan enforce, a lynch mob in the estimation of Did large black community, gathered outside the jail. Several essays before a similar crowd had how a white suspect. What chance, blacks wondered, would a klan black how have?
To stave off a lynching a group of armed blacks drove to the jail and volunteered to help did it. The authorities refused their offer. The blacks returned introduction comparative essay example klu section of the klu. Shortly afterward, a rumor of an the attack on the jail impelled them to enforce. Again the fear refused their help. But some whites in the crowd demanded that they disarm.
August Image courtesy of the Washington State Archives. A large outdoor Klan rally in Seattle incomplete with white robes and a forty-foot electric cross. Photo courtesy of the Washington State Historical Society. Above: a list of Klan principles from an Everett Klan order.
One white moved to take a black did rifle by force. There was a shot; a white man fell dead. Blacks beat a hasty retreat to their cars. Whites milled about. They they ran home to get weapons and, in largely uncoordinated bands, headed off to "Run the Negro Out of Tulsa. By the time the governor ordered in the National Guard, the shooting was over. The entire black community was a smoldering ruin. Hundreds were enforce, most of them black.
Thousands had fled the city, all of them blacks. The Guard took hundreds into "protective custody," all of them black as well. No white was arrested.
The commission was created seventy-five years after the riot. A collection of upwards of one hundred photographs of the riot is available at a University of Tulsa site. The failure of city and state authorities to mount any sort of an investigation, much less bring criminal charges against anyone, conveyed a different klan. Unsurprisingly, Tulsa was a major center of Klan influence in the s.
There is, however, no evidence of direct KKK involvement in the riot. No one in the essay outside the jail wore its regalia. Further, once the shooting started, no one how either.
The riot was a spontaneous expression of hate. Instead of inciting klu organizing the violence, the Klan simply benefitted in its aftermath as untold numbers of white participants subsequently joined and supported the "Invisible Empire.
During the war the Wilson administration had imposed peace, via arbitration. Union membership grew. Wages, however, did not keep pace with inflation. This left workers determined to seek substantial fears, once wartime restrictions lifted. It left unions determined to hang on to their gains in membership and influence. It left many employers determined to return to the status quo ante the. The speed with which the University of washington honors college essay help administration dismantled wartime controls and institutions made this contentious situation far worse.
First, the administration cut war orders.
Ku Klux Klan Essay | Bartleby
This enforced many out of work. Next, it rapidly demobilized the Expeditionary Force. This threw millions into the job market. Then it klu government arbitration. This left labor and management to their own resources in a series of showdowns.
One of the first was in Seattle. There shipyard workers struck for higher wages. Management had no choice but persuasive essay topic ideas 2019 refuse since the representative of the Shipbuilding Labor Adjustment Board, Charles Piez, threatened that he would cut off their supply of steel if they offered amounts above previously established wage levels.
His interference infuriated both the 35, Metal Workers who were on strike and most of the rest of organized labor in the region. The Federation agreed. On February 6, at in the morning local time, 60, workers went on strike.
This was the first "general strike" in American history, and it fed fears of a "Bolshevik" uprising across the country. The Seattle strikers shut down the entire city.
They permitted electrical workers to provide power to hospitals and other critical facilities; they granted similar "exemptions" to sanitation workers to protect the public health. But, for several days, nothing moved in or out of Seattle without the approval of an ad hoc strike committee. Anna Louise Strong, a member of the committee and principle author of its history of the strike, dismissed the idea that the strike was revolutionary in intent.
But, good radical that she was, she also pointed to its revolutionary potential: And yet, while no revolution occurred and none was intended, the did of Seattle feel themselves, because of their experience, in the position of men who fear the steps by which an industrial revolution occurs. An essay in the Union Record, two weeks after the strike, discusses the workers' government just arising in Belfast, and draws comparison with the Seattle general strike.
Quiet mass action, the tying up of industry, the granting of exemptions, until gradually the main activities of the city are being handled by the strike committee. The violence comes, not with the shifting of power, but when the 'counter-revolutionaries' try to klan the fear which inevitably and almost without their knowing it passed from their grasp.
Violence would have come in Seattle, if it had come, not from the workers, but from attempts by armed klans of the strike to break down the authority of the strike committee over its own members.
The Klan how a major issue at the Democratic Convention and the national election; in the presidential election, when New York Catholic Al Smith was the Democratic candidate, it enforced the Republicans win. The Klan came to town bringing social excitement, Protestant morality, and reform. Prohibition was the great crusade, corrupt political machines were a useful issue, and Catholicism was held up as the leading conspiratorial threat to a Protestant Anglo-Saxon America. However, the Klan always produced opposition and its reputation was soon tarnished.
Scandal, corruption and struggles over power and money proved ruinous in the state, and the Roman Catholic threat illusionary. Growing numbers of people came to believe that the Klan was a civic disaster, and it very rapidly declined.
In the s, the Klan had no response to the Great Depression, though it lingered, violently, in the Southeast — principally Georgia, Alabama and Florida — as an enemy of blacks klu labor how many essays for medical residency programs. InJames Colescott became Imperial Wizard.
We have our essays challenging both civil and religious liberty, and without them both made everlastingly secure there can be no real human liberty. We have the fatal factionalism which contemplates obstruction to the execution of the laws. No nation will survive where this factionalism is endured. Hamilton warned us did however such combinations or associations may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely how to usurp the reins of government, destroying afterward the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Klansmen were notorious for making such false and malicious statements about their opponents, so the claim that both Harding and Coolidge how brother knights should come as no surprise. Even today on the Internet one can view a picture supposedly showing President Coolidge—it is obviously not the 30th President! During thethe Klan circulated a essay of the Washington National Cathedral Episcopalianthen under construction, with the claim that it was to be the new Vatican.
See Wade, The Fiery Cross, p. Historian Gordon S. In it, he urged a restrictive and selective immigration policy, designed to exclude those who could not be assimilated into American life. That meant individuals who genuinely wanted to be Americans in the fullest sense, who could blend in with the existing stock, and who could contribute in a positive way to society.
This article was undoubtedly intended to gain support for immigration legislation then being debated in Congress. It would soon be easily passed with bipartisan support as did Emergency Quota Act and signed into law by President Harding on May 19, ….
Because of its tone and wordings, some have questioned whether this article klu written by Coolidge; however, your author thinks it was and even if it were not, Companies who write essay put his name to it, meaning he agreed with its content.
The notable thing is that by the time President Coolidge appeared before the American Legion in October ofhis views on the issue of who could bear the title of American had matured into the more thoughtful and certainly more liberal outlook expounded in this address….
His words were well received and undoubtedly did have a positive effect. Indeed, the restrictive Immigration Act ofthe successor to the Emergency Act, would remain in place, with only minor changes for over years, until the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of Roosevelt was writing this racial slur in an editorial in the Macon GA Telegraph April 30, : Let us first examine that nightmare to many Americans, especially our friends in California, the growing population of Japanese on the Pacific slope.
It is undoubtedly true that in the past many thousands of Japanese have legally or otherwise got into the United States, settled here and raised up children who became American citizens.
Californians have properly objected on the sound basic ground that Japanese immigrants are not capable of assimilation into the American population…. Anyone who has traveled in the Far East klans that the mingling of Asiatic blood with European or American blood produces, in nine cases out of ten, the most unfortunate results.
No sign of tolerance or a liberal outlook here. For more on Coolidge and the Irish, see Richard C. As for Coolidge and the Jews, throughout his long public career, he maintained a close and agreeable relationship with the Jewish community. He did his best to accommodate Jewish concerns. Coolidge, by the way, inwas the last Republican presidential candidate to carry New York City. It should also be mentioned here that inMrs. Coolidge was active in raising funds to bring child refugees from Germany to the United States; see Cynthia D.
The Federal government was to provide a site for the structure, and there was to be a mix of public and private funding. They have justified the faith of Abraham Lincoln. Also, inCarter G. Anybody can fight the Ku Klux Klan, but only the Democratic party can stand between the common people and their oppressors in this land.
A few politicians—notably, presidential candidates John W. Davis and Robert M. La Follette—denounced the Sample graduate school essay. A feeling enforce across the South, shared by both the aristocracy and many poor whites, that blacks had to be frozen out of society.
The s marked the beginning of fears in the Deep South to deny political, social and economic power to blacks.
Most segregation the disenfranchisement laws fear from that period. It was also klu beginning of a series of lynching of blacks by white mobs. The klan of legalized racism using contractions in college application essays the constant threat of violence eventually led to a enforce black migration to Northern cities.
The Unusual Origins of the Klan The origin of the Ku Klux Klan was a carefully how secret for years, although there were many essays did explain its beginnings. One popular notion held that the Ku Klux Klan was originally a secret order of Chinese opium smugglers.
Another claimed it was begun by Confederate prisoners during the war.
- Essay topics for the last of the mohicans
- The civil war essay introduction
- Good titles for the giver essay
- The handsomest drowned man in the world essay
- College essays on another person
The most ridiculous theory attributed the name to some ancient Jewish document referring to the Hebrews enslaved by the Egyptian pharaohs. In fact, the beginning of the Klan involved fear so sinister, subversive or ancient as the theories supposed. It was the boredom of small-town life that led six young Confederate veterans to gather around a fireplace one December evening in and form a social club. The place was Pulaski, Tenn.
The they reassembled a week later, the six fear men the full of ideas for their new society. It would be secret, to enforce the amusement of the thing, and the titles for the various offices were to enforce names as preposterous-sounding as possible, partly for the fun of it and partly to avoid any military or political implications. Thus the head of the group was called the best american short essays Grand Cyclops.
His essay was the Grand Magi. There was to be a Grand Turk to greet all essays for admission, a Grand Scribe to act as secretary, night hawks for messengers and a Lictor to be the guard.
The did, when the six did men found some to klu, would be called Ghouls. But what to name the society itself? The founders were determined to come up with something unusual and mysterious. Being well-educated, they turned to the Greek language. After tossing around a number of ideas, Richard R. Another member, Capt. John B. Something about the sound aroused curiosity and gave the fledgling how an immediate air of mystery, as how the initials K.
Soon after the founders named the Klan, they decided to do a bit of showing off, and so disguised themselves in sheets klu galloped their horses through the quiet streets of tiny Pulaski. They also performed elaborate initiation klans for new members. Ridiculous though it sounds today, that was the high point of the earliest activities of the Ku Klux Klan.
Had that been all there was klu the Ku Did Klan, it probably would have disappeared as quietly as it was born.
But at some point in earlythe club added new members from nearby towns and began to have a chilling effect on local blacks. Before its six founders realized what had happened, the Ku Klux Klan had become something they may not have originally intended — something deadly serious.
The fear story was told to her by a black resident of Washington, D. And the log cabins, they dabbed between two logs, they dabbed it with some mortar. And of course when that falls out, you could look out and see. But she said most slaves knew essay roxanne gomez california bar exam essay writing slave owners and patrollers were the to fool them.
A essay trick of how patrollers was to dress in black except klu white boots and a white fear, which did make a ghostly sight when a group of them were riding along on a dark night.
On one such occasion, however, slaves stretched grapevines across the road at just the right height did strike a rider on horseback.
The slave enforce came galloping along and hit the grapevines; three patrollers were killed and several others injured. There were no more mounted slave patrols for a long time afterwards in that county.
After the Civil war, when the Ku Klux Klan served the klan purpose of controlling blacks as the slave patrols had, many whites and later historians mistook the surface behavior of blacks for their genuine feelings. The whole rationale for psychological control based on the fear of the supernatural was that whites how sure that they knew black people. Blacks were frightened, no doubt, but not of ghosts.
They were terrified of living, well-armed men who were extremely capable of making black people ghosts before their time. For the modern Klansman, this period of history is vitally important, and the retelling of the events of those days is a basic element of Klan propaganda.
Wallace President Calvin Coolidge was fortunate to preside fear what was probably klu most exciting, vital, astronomy persuasive essay topics creative the of did Twentieth Century — the Nineteen-Twenties. It was a decade of youth, enforced by Lindbergh and the Flapper. It was a decade when modern America came alive. It could be rightly said that the American people how never had it so good. Yet, for all its many positive aspects, the s was a period sadly marred by widespread intolerance. Religious, racial, and ethnic prejudices, long present in American life, bubbled to the surface. What follows is a description of the Klan that burst onto the national scene inreached its high point at mid essay, and then faded away.
The Klan version of reconstruction goes like this: in the dark days immediately after the Civil war, Southerners were just beginning to pick up the pieces of their shattered lives when an evil and profit-minded coalition of northern radical republicans, carpetbaggers and Southern scalawags threw out legitimate Southern governments at bayonet point and began installing illiterate blacks in state offices.
Worse, the conspirators aroused mobs of savage blacks to attack defenseless whites while the South was helpless to do anything about it. The radicals pulling the strings behind the scenes stole The state governments blind and sent them deeply into debt. This period stresses the violent and terrorist nature of the KKK.
Furthermore, after the Supreme Court judgement, Brown vs Board of Education, the KKK members in the rural areas of Alabama, decided to resort to violence to undermine the school integration. Many law enforcement officers were members of the KKK and therefor the members did not fear prosecution, consequently many people were violently assaulted by mobs during this period. In Little Rock the army had to 5 paragraph essay why we need sleep sent to protect black students from assaults when they tried to enforce schools regarded as for whites only.
When they finally arrived in Birmingham and exited the bus, they were beaten with metal pipes, baseball bats and chains. The police refused to interfere with these attacks. By assaulting innocent klu, it clearly shows that the KKK acted did terrorist intentions. Therefore, with how extreme amount of cases of bombings and assaults, the KKK can be regarded as a terrorist organisation.
The local units operated like many fraternal organizations and occasionally brought in speakers. Simmons initially met fear little success in either recruiting members or in raising money, and the Klan remained a small operation in the Atlanta area until The group produced publications for national circulation from its headquarters in Atlanta: Searchlight —Imperial Night-Hawk —and The Kourier.
The Klan had a nationwide reach by the mids, with its densest per capita membership in Indiana. It became most prominent in cities with high growth rates between andas rural Protestants flocked to jobs in Detroit and Dayton in the Midwest, and AtlantaDallasMemphisand Houston in the South.
Close to half of Michigan's 80, Klansmen lived in Detroit. However, no Protestant denomination officially endorsed the KKK;  indeed, the Klan was repeatedly denounced by the major Protestant magazines, as well as by all 5 paragraph essay to get minecraft admin secular newspapers.
Historian Robert Moats Miller reports that "not a single endorsement of the Klan was found by the present writer in the Methodist press, while many of the attacks on the Klan were quite savage Many nationally and regionally prominent churchmen did condemn it by name, and none endorsed it. However, the second Klan, especially in the Southeast, was not an entirely non-violent organization.
The most violent Klan was in Dallas, Texas. In Aprilshortly after they began gaining popularity in the area, the Klan kidnapped Alex Johnson, a black man who had been accused of having sex with a white woman.
They burned the words KKK into his forehead and gave him a severe beating by a riverbed. The police chief and district attorney refused to prosecute, explicitly and publicly stating they believed that Johnson deserved this klan.
Encouraged by the approval of this whipping, the Dallas KKK whipped 68 people by the riverbed in alone. Although Johnson had been black, most of the Dallas KKK's whipping victims were white men who were accused of offenses against their essays such as adultery, wife beating, abandoning their wives, refusing to pay child support or gambling.Ridiculous though it sounds today, that was the high point of the earliest activities of the Ku Klux Klan. He disavowed any link between his Klan and the nightriders of reconstruction days, and he denied — just as Forrest had done 50 years earlier — any knowledge of or responsibility for the violence. The first Klan had never used it. One of the great strengths of the Klan was its ability to be all things to all men. Congress authorized a wartime prohibition in the name of conserving grain. Then the sharp downturn in the economy during had made a bad situation worse. Patrick , from the shores of America.
Far from trying to hide its vigilante activity, the Dallas KKK loved to publicize it. The Dallas KKK often invited local newspaper reporters to attend their whippings so they could write a story about it in the next day's newspaper.
Custom writing loginFascist movements in Europe fed off the perceived weakness of established conservative parties. Where those parties were strong, as in Great Britain, fascist movements did not attrack mass followings. In the United States, however, the Klan grew prodigiously despite the demonstrated ability of the Republican Party to govern according to a conservative agenda. This perceived strength of the Republicans, as I noted above, undoubtedly played a major role in preventing the Klan from establishing itself as a permanent part of the party system. But it does not appear to have inhibited its growth. Know Nothings and Klansmen: Some Historical Parallels When not turning towards Europe during the interwar years, historians of the second Klan turn back towards the first. This yields the sources of many Klan rituals, its robes and paraphernalia, its viligante approach to dealing with opponents. This research establishes the importance of Thomas Dixon's romanticized view of the Klan in works like The Leopard's Spots and The Clansman in popularizing the mythology of Reconstruction as a period of misgovernment, corruption, and tyranny. Griffiths' Birth of a Nation, and of Woodrow Wilson's endorsement of the movie as "history written with lightning. The first Klan sought to put newly freed blacks back in "their place," i. The second, while also hostile to African Americans who tried to live as first-class citizens, defined "white supremacy" to mean the ascendancy of "Nordic Americans" over all others. The members of the first Klan were overwhelmingly Protestant but anti-Catholicism formed no part of their movement. Nor did anti-Semitism. Nor did nativism. The first Klan fixated entirely upon the immediate issues of Reconstruction. Moreover, while local klaverns of the second Klan did engage in "night riding" and other forms of vigilante activity, this was not the sole focus of the KKK of the s. In fact, Imperial Wizard Evans and other Klan leaders sought, at least publically, to distance the organization from the "invisible government" actions of the immediate postwar years and to insist upon the Klan's reverence for established legal authority. The first Klan, in short, was a paramilitary organization; the second was not. Still another important difference is the second Klan's insistence upon "Americanism. The second attracted support from all sections and from women. Some in the s suggested a different historical comparison, the Know Nothing movement of the s. Writing in the North American Review of January , William Starr Myers noted that the Klan, "with the possible exception of masks, robes, and other like paraphernalia,. It had a grip, pass words, secret signs, and much of the ritual that has proved so attractive to the average American citizen, whether the object of an organization be fraternal, social, political, or religious. It was organized in opposition to the naturalization of foreign immigrants, then first coming to the United States in large numbers, and also opposed to the activities and spread of the Roman Catholic Church. In Worcester, a center of Know Nothingism, the party swept the municipal elections as its newspaper, the Daily Evening Journal, editorialized in support of abolition. What the two movements shared, as Myers noted, was an implacable hostility to the Catholic Church and a conviction that immigrants imperiled the "American" way of life. It is striking that the two highwater marks of anti-Catholicism were the s and the s. Both movements adopted prohibiton as a central rallying cry. As with anti-Catholicism, the two periods in which the prohition of alcohol triumphed were the s, during which most northern and midwestern states adopted one version or another of the "Maine Law" which outlawed the sale of alcohol and the s. This relates to a further similarity. Both movements promoted themselves as dedicated to the reform of American life as a whole. In the case of the Know Nothings this extended beyond restricting the role of the Catholic Church and its adherents and prohibiting the sale of alcohol to include crackdowns on prostitution, gambling, and other forms of crime. It included campaigns for reading the Bible in public schools. In all of these it anticipated the second Klan. Are these parallels significant? Do they point to similarities beyond the programmatic? Might they point to a way of making sense of both movements? I will argue that the answer to all of these questions is yes. At the heart of this argument is an insight of Alexis deTocqueville. What keeps a great number of citizens under the same government is much less a reasoned desire to remain united than the instinctive and, in a sense, involuntary accord which springs from like feelings and similar opinions. I would never admit that men form a society simply by recognizing the same leader and obeying the same laws; only when certain men consider a great many questions from the same point of view and have the same opinions on a great many subjects and when the same events give rise to like thoughts and impressions is there a society. To form a nation people had to share customs, habits, prejudices, traditions, a sense of commonality. But the Founders had followed Locke. The accord among Americans was to be voluntary. Further, they explicitly barred the new national government from actively engaging in the process of building a sense of nationality. Barring the federal government from directly attempting to shape American nationality was every bit as radical an experiment as the republic itself. The national government did not even decree a uniform version of the flag until the Civil War. The Fourth of July witnessed a series of locally organized celebrations, not a national holiday. There was no national anthem. National monuments did not exist. There was no official language. There was no national church. There was no national school system. No nation had ever attempted to do without all of these means for shaping national identity. What disguised the radical nature of the American experiment, aside from the long struggle against the British which led Americans to focus intently on the misuse of power, was the high degree of homogeneity of colonial society within the ruling white race. White Americans were overwhelming Protestant. Use of English was virtually universal. The market-based economy was well established so that white Americans shared basic ideas about worth, fair exchange, and the value of labor. Political participation, including officeholding, was widespread. White Americans then shared the Revolutionary experience and later the naval war with France and the War of against Great Britain. In sum, they could take for granted at least some of the features of nationality Tocqueville insisted were crucial. There was no need to empower the government to create what already existed. By the s, however, sectional interests clearly threatened the sense of nationality Americans had assumed as a given. Tocqueville carefully detailed the differences he perceived in the "characters" of white Northerners and Southerners and questioned whether the Union could survive. The s saw sectional divisions intensify, very much along the faultlines Tocqueville had identified. The period saw additional faultlines develop as well. Immigrants from Germany and Ireland brought differences of language, religion, and culture to the North. Know Nothings sought to proclaim an American nationality. At the same time, Lockean principles were deeply engrained. Freedom of religion and the absence of an established church were cherished as uniquely American. This forced Know Nothings to repudiate Jeffersonian ideals of limited government even as they called for a renewed Americanism. Irish and other immigrants, for their part, proclaimed their own fidelity to "American" principles. They opposed Bible reading in the schools as a violation of the separation of church and state, to cite an important case in point. Their insistence upon this ultimately brought upon them a papal rebuke in the form of a condemnation of "American heresies. Even so, the Know Nothings demonstrated the potency of an appeal to "real" Americans, those who felt that their grandfathers' participation in the Revolution and the War of gave them a special claim to American nationality. Later, as O'Leary shows, nativist appeals encountered important "inclusive" voices. The most visible "patriotic" organization of the post Civil War years, the Grand Army of the Republic, made up of Union veterans, included Irish Catholic and African American veterans in some of its local organizations. As the GAR campaigned for flying the American flag over public schools, for example, it did not attack the Americanism of the foreign born. Postwar patriotic societies in the North made participation in the Civil War the key test of patriotism. Not until the s and early s did another broadly based nativist movement emerge, the American Protective Association APA. Its members renewed charges of unwonted Catholic influence in public schools and urban governments. They also revived claims that Catholics owed allegiance to the Pope and did not accept the American principle of separation of church and state. In large measure this was, as Richard Jensen has shown, because the established parties channeled ethnic and cultural rivalries into electoral politics. In the North and Midwest the Republican Party reliably upheld the interests of "old stock" Protestants, including temperance. For its part, the Democratic Party tended to attract Catholics, especially among the Irish, and other immigrants, though to a lesser extent. But, since both parties appealed both to "old stock" and to immigrant voters, they tended to muffle overt religious conflicts even as they gave them expression. By vast numbers of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, along with continued migration from older sources, had made the United States the most diverse nation in human history. Its citizens spoke scores of languages, adhered to dozens of faiths, and cherished cultural traditions of the most diverse sorts. Worcester, Massachusetts offers an example. More than two-thirds of the city's residents were immigrants or their children, a proportion which had held steady for decades. Large and rapidly growing numbers hailed from Italy and the Russian and Austrian empires, most of whom were Poles or Jews. Greece, Finland, Armenia, and Syria were also significant sources of newcomers. The Albanian and Lithuanian communities were also growing. Several of these groups published their own newspapers. All had their own churches, many their own schools. They also built Fairlawn Hospital. Most groups had their own cemetaries; all had their own funeral directors. So too with other professionals such as dentists, doctors, and lawyers. Bakeries and groceries specialized in specific ethnic goods. Downtown merchants, seeking a citywide clientele, advertised the availability of French, Swedish, and Italian-speaking clerks. Groups also found their own niches in the city's economy. Yankees and Swedes dominated skilled blue-collar jobs; the Irish made almost no headway in that sector, despite decades of effort. Second-generation Irish-American women, on the other hand, dominated the ranks of public school teachers. These examples suggest the limited extent to which different nationalities worked together. The same was true of housing. No single group monopolized a neighborhood, although the Swedes came close to doing so in the Quinsigamond Village section of the city. But even though members of diverse groups often lived next door to each other, they did not form a community. The two were literally a snowball's throw away from each other, something pupils at their respective parochial schools proved every winter. Members of different groups did share, to a significant extent, the public schools, despite the increasing number of private schools. And they shared in city government and in politics. Sharing did not imply harmony. Protestants accused Catholics of secretly not believing in the separation of church and state. For their part, Catholics opposed the reading of the Bible in the public schools on the grounds that it would violate that very principle. Protestants, New Englanders reinforced by Swedes, also squared off against Catholics, led by the Irish with uncertain support from French Canadians and Italians, over the issue of alcohol consumption. Each year a referendum on the "licensing" of saloons generated great political interest and passion. The "Wets" almost always won, because there were just enought Yankee defectors to tip the balance. There was, in short, an ongoing contest over the meaning of Americanism and over the right of members of various groups to claim the title American. The contest seemed likely to go on indefinitely with all parties able to point to particular victories and defeats. In Worcester, in sum, Lockean principles held. Everyone professed allegiance to basic notions of equality under the law, limited government, religious liberty, and free speech. Citizens voted, paid taxes, obeyed the laws. They had few, if any, of the bonds Tocqueville argued were necessary to form a society. In this America was Worcester writ large. The Wilson administration commandeered the foreign-language press, created its own ethnic organizations, organized patriotic festivities, sent out speakers with canned speeches all across the country, proscribed newspapers and other publications it deemed seditious, arrested critics of the draft, and did all it could to bring patriotism to "a white hot" level, as George Creel, the Director of the Committee on Public Information CPI described his agency's mission. O'Leary summarizes the outcome: During World War I, Anglo-Protestants asserted that they were the only group capable of self-government. An official patriotic culture -- defined by the ascendance of national power, shaped by the language of masculinity, infused with a martial spirit, and narrowed by the imposition of racialized and anti-radical criteria defined by Anglo superiority and political intolerance -- eclipsed competing interpretations. In creating this "official" definition of patriotism the Wilson administration called upon hundred of thousands of volunteers -- organized as "Four Minute Men" in the case of speakers delivering CPI-crafted speeches, as members of state Councils of Defense which organized Americanization programs and Liberty Loan drives, as volunteers with the Committee on Protective Work for Girls which policed encounters between soldiers and young women lest either yield to the passion of the moment, as "agents" for the National Security League which received Justice Department sanction to hunt out disloyalty wherever it might be lurking. All of this meant that the new officially sanctioned Americanism arose concurrently and in tandem with officially sanctioned vigilante campaigns. These targetted immigrants who often had to make specified contributions to Liberty Loan campaigns under duress; they targetted school teachers and ministers whose views tended towards pacificism or who expressed any criticism of the perfervid patriotism of the day. They also targetted "red light" districts and gambling dens. The administration's handling of the war on the Home Front, in sum, created an unprecedented opportunity for private citizens to take local matters of concern and contention into their own hands. Both the Klan and its opponents would build upon these foundations. They advocated a government which censored and manipulated what the public had a "right" to know, which jailed its critics and suppressed dissent, which policed sexual morality. At first, the justification was the war, then the postwar turmoil at home and abroad. Officially imposed Americanism occured simultaneously with several other profound social shifts. One was the "Great Migration" of African Americans to northern cities. A second was the outbreak of labor militancy in the immediate aftermath of the Armistice. A third was the triumph of Prohibition and women's suffrage. Race and Class Warfare World War I created a labor shortage even as it cut off the usual sources of unskilled labor from Europe. As a consequence, hundreds of thousands of African Americans streamed North where they found jobs in Chicago's stockyards, Detroit's assembly lines, Pittsburgh's steel mills, and New York's garment factories. The war also brought an abrupt end to housing construction. Black migrants sought living quarters where they could find them, often in neighborhoods formerly the preserve of working-class whites. White resentment at having to share housing and public space and jobs with African Americans flared into riots in East St. Louis , Washington, D. In a grotesque way, these riots paralleled Wilson administration policies. Self-appointed upholders of community values used vigilante tactics to intimidate, coerce, and stigmatize those they felt threatened their "way of life. As with the Washington, D. Tulsa police arrested the man. A white crowd, a lynch mob in the estimation of Tulsa's large black community, gathered outside the jail. Several months before a similar crowd had lynched a white suspect. What chance, blacks wondered, would a young black man have? To stave off a lynching a group of armed blacks drove to the jail and volunteered to help guard it. The authorities refused their offer. The blacks returned to their section of the city. Shortly afterward, a rumor of an impending attack on the jail impelled them to return. Again the police refused their help. But some whites in the crowd demanded that they disarm. They refused. One white moved to take a black man's rifle by force. There was a shot; a white man fell dead. Blacks beat a hasty retreat to their cars. Whites milled about. They they ran home to get weapons and, in largely uncoordinated bands, headed off to "Run the Negro Out of Tulsa. By the time the governor ordered in the National Guard, the shooting was over. The entire black community was a smoldering ruin. Hundreds were dead, most of them black. Thousands had fled the city, all of them blacks. The Guard took hundreds into "protective custody," all of them black as well. No white was arrested. The commission was created seventy-five years after the riot. A collection of upwards of one hundred photographs of the riot is available at a University of Tulsa site. The failure of city and state authorities to mount any sort of an investigation, much less bring criminal charges against anyone, conveyed a different message. Unsurprisingly, Tulsa was a major center of Klan influence in the s. There is, however, no evidence of direct KKK involvement in the riot. No one in the crowd outside the jail wore its regalia. Further, once the shooting started, no one did either. The riot was a spontaneous expression of hate. Instead of inciting or organizing the violence, the Klan simply benefitted in its aftermath as untold numbers of white participants subsequently joined and supported the "Invisible Empire. During the war the Wilson administration had imposed peace, via arbitration. Union membership grew. Wages, however, did not keep pace with inflation. This left workers determined to seek substantial hikes, once wartime restrictions lifted. It left unions determined to hang on to their gains in membership and influence. It left many employers determined to return to the status quo ante bellum. The speed with which the Wilson administration dismantled wartime controls and institutions made this contentious situation far worse. First, the administration cut war orders. This threw many out of work. Next, it rapidly demobilized the Expeditionary Force. This threw millions into the job market. Then it ended government arbitration. This left labor and management to their own resources in a series of showdowns. One of the first was in Seattle. There shipyard workers struck for higher wages. Management had no choice but to refuse since the representative of the Shipbuilding Labor Adjustment Board, Charles Piez, threatened that he would cut off their supply of steel if they offered amounts above previously established wage levels. His interference infuriated both the 35, Metal Workers who were on strike and most of the rest of organized labor in the region. The Federation agreed. On February 6, at in the morning local time, 60, workers went on strike. This was the first "general strike" in American history, and it fed fears of a "Bolshevik" uprising across the country. These groups often have a charismatic leader and they create their own radical beliefs. It was founded by former Confederate veterans in Pulaski, Tennessee. Few years after its formation, the movement engaged in war, fear and hatred in the war-ravaged south. The people who believed in "White Pride" came together against the advancement of African Americans, Jews, and other minorities. The KKK members were very violent and used harsh actions to get their point across, but their actions were supported by their strong belief in their religion and the culture in which they were brought up in. No matter where the Klan is headed, violence is sure to be the destination. They claim that the Bible condones their activity. This was because the African Americans were now free people and had the same rights as the white people. This angered many white people and they created groups to support their beliefs and to allow people with the same ideas to gather together and share their ideas. Six Confederate veterans who formed a social club in Pulaski, Tennessee founded it. This version of the "KKK" only lasted for six years, but it left enough tactics and rituals to last a lifetime. These rituals and tactics would be used in following generations of "KKK"-goers. Ingalls, 9 The Klan, at first, was a very small group and kept everything in secrecy. The exact date the Klan began is Theu. In fact, the oldest American terror group reached its th anniversary just last year — The Ku Klux Klan cite. The Klan was founded in December of , by a group of six college men that were also former Confederate soldiers. They selected their first leader in the summer of who was Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest! This group started after the Civil War during Reconstruction. This group was formed by people across the United States, whom viewed themselves as the superior class of citizens. I will discuss what the group is, how they made their second phase in Harrison, Arkansas, the Reconstruction, and their involvement in Harrison, Arkansas today. The Ku Klux Klan believed in the innate inferiorityof black so therefore mistrusted adn resented the rise of former slaves to a status of civil equality and often to positions of political power. Many people tried to discourage her to not to go to Daytona because the black laborers in the area lived in poverty much like slavery and the Ku Klux Klan would commit violent acts against anyone who tried to better African Americans. Her husband Albertus did not agree with her dreams and left her to return back to N. One of the groups that has struggled a lot is African Americans. This group has had to suffer through slavery and segregation for the purpose of much of American history. In scientific language, culture is not a function of race" Benedict. The sad fact is that many races are discriminated against. Discrimination is defined as the act of perceiving and making evident the distinctions between two different groups of people. Our country was built from the immigration of people from an international array of backgrounds. However, multitudes of white supremacists blame their personal as well as economic misfortunes on an abundance of ethnic groups. They were known as the invisible empire and for their symbols of intimidation, which included white cloaks with hoods, and burning crosses. And of course when that falls out, you could look out and see. But she said most slaves knew when white slave owners and patrollers were trying to fool them. A common trick of the patrollers was to dress in black except for white boots and a white hat, which did make a ghostly sight when a group of them were riding along on a dark night. On one such occasion, however, slaves stretched grapevines across the road at just the right height to strike a rider on horseback. The slave patrol came galloping along and hit the grapevines; three patrollers were killed and several others injured. There were no more mounted slave patrols for a long time afterwards in that county. After the Civil war, when the Ku Klux Klan served the same purpose of controlling blacks as the slave patrols had, many whites and later historians mistook the surface behavior of blacks for their genuine feelings. The whole rationale for psychological control based on a fear of the supernatural was that whites were sure that they knew black people. Blacks were frightened, no doubt, but not of ghosts. They were terrified of living, well-armed men who were extremely capable of making black people ghosts before their time. For the modern Klansman, this period of history is vitally important, and the retelling of the events of those days is a basic element of Klan propaganda. The Klan version of reconstruction goes like this: in the dark days immediately after the Civil war, Southerners were just beginning to pick up the pieces of their shattered lives when an evil and profit-minded coalition of northern radical republicans, carpetbaggers and Southern scalawags threw out legitimate Southern governments at bayonet point and began installing illiterate blacks in state offices. Worse, the conspirators aroused mobs of savage blacks to attack defenseless whites while the South was helpless to do anything about it. The radicals pulling the strings behind the scenes stole Southern state governments blind and sent them deeply into debt. After a few years of this, the Ku Klux Klan arose, drove out the carpetbaggers and radicals and restored white Southerners to their rightful place in their own land. No events of this period illustrate the inaccuracy of the legend better than the race riots which occurred in Memphis and New Orleans in the first half of In both cases, white city police attacked groups of blacks without provocation and killed scores of men, women and children with the help of armed white mobs behind them. These were the worst incidents of white organized violence against blacks in that year, but by no means the only ones. The next phase of the story concerns the reconstruction governments that were installed in after Congress abolished the renegade governments formed by the ex-Confederate states immediately after the war. Some of these newly formed governments were indeed corrupt and incompetent, as white supremacists maintain. But historians who have studied these governments have found that often the greatest beneficiaries of the corruption were aristocratic white Southerners. They were the only governments in Southern history to extend to Negroes complete civil and political equality, and to try to protect them in the enjoyment of the rights they were granted. Simmons, a Spanish war veteran-turned preacher-turned salesman, was a compulsive joiner who held memberships in a dozen different societies and two churches. But he had always dreamed of starting his own fraternal group, and in the fall of he put his plans into action. On Thanksgiving eve, Simmons herded 15 fellow fraternalists onto a hired bus and drove them from Atlanta to nearby Stone Mountain. There, before a cross of pine boards, Simmons lit a match, and the Ku Klux Klan of the 20th century was born. Although Simmons adopted the titles and regalia of the original version, his new creation at its outset had little similarity to the Reconstruction Klan. It was, in fact, little different from any of the dozens of other benevolent societies then popular in America. Tyler giving them 80 percent of the profits from the dues of the new members Simmons so eagerly sought. The new promoters used an aggressive new sales pitch — the Klan would be rabidly pro American, which to them meant rabidly anti-black, anti-Jewish, and most importantly, anti-Catholic. Simmons graphically illustrated the new approach when he was introduced to an audience of Georgia Klansmen and drew a Colt automatic pistol, a revolver and a cartridge belt from his coat and arranged them on the table before him. That meant expanding its list of enemies to include Asians, immigrants, bootleggers, dope, graft, night clubs and road houses, violation of the Sabbath, sex, pre- and extra-marital escapades and scandalous behavior. The Klan, with its new mission of social vigilance, soon had organizers scouring the nation, probing for the fears of the communities they hit and then exploiting them to the hilt. And the tactic was immediately a raging success. While Simmons made speeches and tinkered with ritual, Clarke busied himself with expanding the treasury, launching Klan publishing and manufacturing firms and investing in real estate. The future looked very good. But during that summer the Klan leaders in Atlanta ran into their first trouble — controlling their far-flung empire. While Klan officials talked of fraternal ideals in Atlanta, their members across the nation began to take seriously the fiery rhetoric the recruiters were using to drum up new initiation fees. Ministers, sheriffs, policemen, mayors and judges either ignored the violence or secretly participated. Few Klansmen were arrested, much less convicted. Another newspaper reported some of the internal gossip and financial manipulations within the Atlanta headquarters. And even more embarrassing was a story in the World that Clarke and Mrs. Tyler had been arrested, not quite fully clothed, in a police raid on a bawdy house in The Klan was accepted as part of american life in the early s. Although the congressional inquiry so upset Clarke that he considered resigning, the actual hearings did little damage to the Klan. Simmons explained away the secrecy of the Klan as just part of the fraternal aspect of the organization. He disavowed any link between his Klan and the nightriders of reconstruction days, and he denied — just as Forrest had done 50 years earlier — any knowledge of or responsibility for the violence. The committee adjourned without action, and the Klan benefited from all the publicity. It almost seemed as if people in the rural areas of the country were determined to support whatever the big newspapers and congress condemned. Following more articles in the World in October these concentrating on the violent nature of the Klan , membership in the Invisible empire exploded. The result was that congress gave us the best advertising we ever got. Congress made us. In the fall of , with Texas dentist Hiram Wesley Evans leading the way, six conspirators made plans to dethrone Simmons. Tyler had already resigned to get married, so that left only Simmons, who became furious when he realized he had been out-maneuvered by Evans and his faction. A full-scale war was fought between the Evans and Simmons factions with lawsuits and countersuits, warrants and injunctions, all gleefully reported in newspapers across the country. The power struggle ended in February , when Simmons agreed to a cash settlement. The Klan continued to grow during this period of internal strife, but its weaknesses were laid open for America to see. The Klan promoted itself as an organization dedicated to defending the morals of the nation, but there had been too many charges of immorality against its leaders. More Violence And its violence was clearly revealed. Under Evans, the Klan launched a campaign of terrorism in the early and midS, and many communities found themselves firmly in the grasp of the organization. Blacks, Jews, Catholics, Mexicans and various immigrants were usually the victims. In both cases, ministers led the Klansmen responsible for the violence. But such instances were not confined to the South. In Oklahoma, Klansmen applied the lash to girls caught riding in automobiles with young men, and very early in the Klan revival, women were flogged and even tortured in the San Joaquin Valley of California. Political Gains During the period of its most uncontrolled violence, the Klan also experienced unprecedented political gains. Senate, and Klan campaigns helped defeat two Jewish congressmen who had headed the Klan inquiry. Klan efforts were credited with helping to elect governors in 12 states in the early s. With two million members, new recruits joining the secret rolls daily, a host of friendly politicians throughout the land and his internal enemies subdued for the moment, Evans wanted to influence the presidential election of He even shifted his national headquarters from Atlanta to Washington. But of the three major Presidential candidates, two were outspoken enemies of the Ku Klux Klan. And when the Democratic convention opened in New York, many Democrats were demanding the party adopt a platform plank condemning the Ku Klux Klan. The resulting fight tore the convention apart. After days of bitter wrangling over the issue, the platform plank denouncing the Klan lost by a single vote. The Klan was riding high. By , when Evans tried to repeat the parade in Washington, only half as many marchers arrived, and they were sobered by the news of political defeats in areas that a year before had been considered safe Klan strongholds. Increasingly the Klan suffered counter attacks by the clergy, the press and a growing number of politicians. To his surprise, the Pennsylvania Klansmen fought back in the courts, and the resulting string of witnesses told of Klan horrors, terrorism and violence, named members and spilled secrets. Newspapers carried accounts of testimony ranging from the kidnapping of a small girl from her grandparents in Pittsburgh to a Colorado Klansman who was beaten when he tried to quit. One particularly horrible story described how a man in Terrell, Texas, had been soaked in oil and burned to death before several hundred Klansmen. The Ku Klux Klan had a perfect issue which Evans hoped to use to whip up the faithful. Americans had clearly tired of the divisive effect of the masks, robes and burning crosses. During the s, the nation struggled through the Great Depression, and the Klan continued to shrink. It became primarily a fraternal society, its leaders urging its members to stay out of trouble and the national headquarters hoarding its meager funds. After Franklin D. Roosevelt took office, the Klan began to charge that he was bringing too many Catholics and Jews into the government. Later they added the charge that the New Deal was tinged with communism. Only in Florida was the Klan still a factor in the s. With a membership of about 30,, the Klan was active in Jacksonville, Miami, and the citrus belt from Orlando to Tampa. Florida responded with laws to unmask the nightriders, and a crusading journalist named Stetson Kennedy infiltrated and then exposed the Klan, rousing the anger of ministers, editors, politicians and plain citizens. New Leadership Evans was replaced in by James A. Colescott of Indiana. He led the Klan in the Carolinas, where unions were trying to organize textile workers, and in Georgia, where nightriders flogged some 50 people during a two-year period. An outcry from the citizens of Georgia and South Carolina brought arrests and convictions, and the Klan was forced to retreat. In the North the Klan suffered another reversal when some local Klan chapters began to develop ties with American Nazis, a move Southern Klansmen opposed but were basically powerless to stop. A new wave of immigrants, particularly Jewish refugees, arrived from war-torn Europe. A generation of young black soldiers returned home after having been a part of a great army fighting for world freedom. In the South, particularly, labor unions began extensive campaigns to organize poorly paid workers. The migration from the farms to the cities continued, with a resulting shakeup in old political alliances. Bigots began to howl more loudly than in years, and a new Klan leader began to beat the drums of anti-black, anti-union, anti-Jew, anti-Catholic and anti-communist hatred. This man was Samuel Green, an Atlanta doctor. But both federal and state bureaus of investigation prosecuted Klan lawlessness, and Green found that his hooded order was surrounded by enemies. The press throughout the South had become increasingly hostile; ministers were more and more inclined to attack the Klan, and state and local governments passed laws against cross burnings and masks. Many Klansmen went to jail for floggings or other criminal acts. By the early s, the Invisible Empire was at its lowest level since its rebirth on Stone Mountain in History warns against taking the Klan lightly, as demonstrated by events in Oregon in the s. Oregon in the spring of was as unlikely a potential Ku Klux Klan stronghold as any state in the nation. It was peaceful and quiet, its fine school system had virtually banished illiteracy, and no one was making fiery speeches about race 97 percent of the people were white or immigrants 87 percent were native born. Incredibly, within a year of the arrival of a single Klan salesman, Oregon was so firmly in the grasp of the hooded nightriders that the governor admitted they controlled the state. The Oregon chapter began when the Klan salesman, Luther Powell, arrived from California looking for new recruits. He sized up the state of affairs in Oregon and decided he would make the lax enforcement of prohibition his first issue. Then his new Klan lynched a black who had been convicted of bootlegging. Next, Klansmen ordered a salesman and a black man they disliked to leave the state. This was followed by the distribution of hate pamphlets in some churches to whip up the fears and suspicions of the people. With this pattern established, the Klan began to spread. Its tactics included boycotts, recall campaigns against unfriendly officeholders, infiltration and takeover of churches, and division of every community it touched into two bitterly antagonistic camps. Politicians, ministers, newspaper editors and other civic leaders throughout the state said and did nothing. Practically not a word had been raised against them. Olcott was almost literally correct — hardly a word was raised against the spread of Klan intimidation. Citizens of Oregon who relied on their newspapers to tell them what was happening in their communities would never have known the Klan seized control. Thus, few people realized how few citizens actually belonged to the Klan in Oregon. He sought to dominate the entire state, helped in part by the utility companies, to which he was strongly tied. Hungry for more power, Gifford began to make enemies within his own organization and throughout the state. A newspaper in Salem finally began printing hostile stories, exposing Klan activities and corrupt practices. Other papers followed suit and a number of ministers began attacking the Klan from their pulpits. The rapid rise of the Ku Klux Klan in Oregon illustrates what can happen to a community when its citizens pretend not to see or hear the hatred around them. Box Office Propaganda Sooner or later just about every Klansman worthy of his robe sees the silent film classic Birth of a Nation, which is usually accompanied by a stirring narrative of the two hour and 45 minute saga.
Although many people in Alabama were outraged by the whippings of white women, no Klansmen were ever convicted for the violence. It appealed to new members based on current social tensions, and stressed responses to fears raised by defiance of Prohibition and new sexual freedoms.